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Manifesto to Certain Filipinos by José Rizal Taken in a post by Mikki Fudolig <mikkifudolig@yahoo.com> that appeared in the Yahoo! Noli me tángere Discussion Group: http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Noli_Me_Tangere It might be argued that the ideas expressed in the “Manifesto” by Rizal bear resemblance to a theme in the novel, El Filibusterismo. His disavowal of the Katipunan and the Philippine revolution against Spain have led some to assert that José Rizal does not deserve to be the national hero of the Philippines. Others, considering the entirety of Rizal’s life and writings consider that he who inspired Andres Bonifacio to found the Katipunan, is a hero also one dedicated to bring about the liberties which both championed but in different ways. Both are challenged to consider the words of Rizal: ”I desire as much as the next man liberties for our country; I continue to desire them. But I laid down as a prerequisite the education of the people in order that by means of such instruction, and by hard work, they may acquire a personality of their own and so become worthy of such liberties.” |
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SETTING: In August, 1896, the Katipunan was prematurely discovered by the Spanish authorities. Bonifacio escaped capture and on the 26th of that month, at Balintawak on the outskirts of Manila, raised the cry of revolt [NOTE: The action commonly referred to as “The Cry of Balintawak” actually happened in Pugadlawin, History of the Filipino People by Agoncillo, 8th ed.]. Rizal, who had earlier refused to lead the revolt, volunteered for service in Cuba as an army surgeon, but was brought back when already on his way there to stand trial for his life on a charge of treason. While awaiting trial, he tried to stop the rebellion by writing a "Manifesto to Certain Filipinos." The Spanish authorities decided not to release it, for as the Judge Advocate General noted, "Dr. Jose Rizal limits himself to criticizing the present insurrectionary movement as premature," and that "as far as Rizal is concerned, the whole question is one of opportunity, not of principles and objectives;" and hence that "a message of this sort, far from promoting peace, is likely to stimulate for the future the spirit of rebellion." -- by Horacio de la Costa, Readings in Philippine History (Bookmark, 1992)
MANIFESTO TO CERTAIN FILIPINOS Fellow countrymen: Upon my return from Spain I learned that my name was being used as a rallying cry by some who had taken up arms. This information surprised and grieved me but thinking that the whole affair was finished, I refrained from commenting on something that could no longer be remedied. Now, rumors reach me that the disturbances have not ceased. It may be that persons continue to use my name in good or in bad faith; if so, wishing to put a stop to this abuse and to undeceive the gullible, I hasten to address these lines to you that the truth may be known. From the very beginning, when I first received information of what was being planned, I opposed it, I fought against it, and I made clear that it was absolutely impossible. This is the truth, and they are still alive who can bear witness to my words. I was convinced that the very idea was wholly absurd -- worse than absurd -- it was disastrous. I did more than this. When later on, in spite of my urgings, the uprising broke out, I came forward voluntarily to offer not only my services but my life and even my good name in order that they may use me in any manner they may think opportune to smother the rebellion. For I was convinced of the evils which that rebellion would bring in its train, and so I considered it a privilege if at whatever sacrifice I could ward off so much useless suffering. This is also of record.
Fellow countrymen: I
have given many proofs that I desire as much as
the next man liberties
for our country; I continue to desire them. But
I laid down as a
prerequisite the education of the people in order
that by means of such
instruction, and by hard work, they may acquire
a personality of their
own and so become worthy of such liberties. In
my writings I have
recommended study and the civic virtues, without
which no redemption is
possible. I have also written (and my words
have been repeated by
others) that reforms, if they are to bear fruit,
must come from above,
for reforms that come from below are upheavals
both violent and
transitory. Thoroughly imbued with these ideas, I |
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